LFG and the Analysis of Chinese

organised by Adams Bodomo and Luke Kang Kwong

This workshop aims at investigating aspects of the structure of Chinese (including Mandarin and Cantonese) from the perspective of the Lexical-Functional Grammar framework. With its unique properties, such as having pro-drop but exhibiting little verbal morphology, being topic prominent rather than subject prominent, permitting possibilities of long-distance binding, showing considerable complexity in verb complementation, and more flexible word order than English, etc., Chinese poses special challenges to linguistic description and theory. In this workshop, these and related phenomena are discussed with a view to developing innovative ways in which Chinese can be better handled using insights from LFG and other constraint-based approaches. Implications for linguistic theory and language universals will also be discussed.

Program of the workshop:

Time scheduled: 14-17, June 27

14:00-14:10 INTRODUCTION (Adams Bodomo, University of Hong Kong)
14:10-14:40 The Subject Condition in Cantonese (Kang Kwong Luke, Adams Bodomo, and Owen Nancarrow, University of Hong Kong)
14:40-15:10 An Optimality-Theoretic Account of Mandarin Complex Reflexive ‘ta-ziji’ (s/he-self) (Haihua Pan and Jianhua Hu, City University of Hong Kong)
15:10-15:30 BREAK
15:30-16:00 LFG for Chinese: Issues of Representation and Computation (Sun Maosong, Tsinghua University, Beijing)
16:00-16:30 On the Function COMP in Cantonese (Adams Bodomo and Sophia Lee)
16:30-17:00 DISCUSSION

About the workshop presenters

 

 


The Subject Condition in Cantonese

Luke Kang Kwong, Adams Bodomo, Owen Nancarrow
University of Hong Kong

 

The grammatical notion of subject occupies a key position in most linguistic theories. In configurational approaches, subject is defined either as [Spec IP] (or some other functional projections) (Haegeman, 1994) or generated in adjunction to VP (Stowell 1981, Chomsky 1986 and Manzini 1983). In LFG, subjects and other grammatical functions are regarded as primitives and represented in functional structures. The subject condition stipulates a default subject for every clause predicated by a finite verb. There are several statements of this condition in the literature. In Bresnan (2001:311) it is stated thus: Every predicator must have a subject.The status of the subject condition as a grammatical universal has been a matter of some controversy (see, for example, Alsina 1996, Bresnan and Zaenen 1990, Bresnan and Kanerva 1989, and Berman 1999). In this paper, we examine the subject condition with data from Cantonese. Cantonese, like all the other Chinese dialects, is a pro-drop language. However, unlike other pro-drop languages such as Italian, implicit subjects cannot be retrieved through verbal morphology, as shown in the following sentences.

(1)    A:   Nei5        heoi3      bin1         aa3?
             
  2.SG        go            where        PART
                'Where are you going?'

          B: Heoi3 Hoeng1gong2zai2
               
go    Aberdeen
               
(Im) going to Aberdeen.

(2)       (Talking about dogs)

             Wui5-m4-wui5 beng6  gaa3
            will-not-will          ill           part
           
'Would (they = the dogs) get ill?

(3)      Ji1gaa1      lok6-gan2      jyu5
           now            fall-ASP          rain
           '(It's) raining now.'

(4)    A: teng1gong2         Seoi6si2          hou2          leng3         wo3
               hear                      Switzerland      very            pretty         part
               '(I) hear that Switzerland is very pretty.'

         B: tai2           fung1ging2       lo1            hai6
               see           scenery             part          only
              '(It's) only (good for) sight-seeing.'

In (1)-(4), it is not possible to determine from the verb forms the identity of the implicit subjects. In (1), the subject pronoun can be retrieved from the immediate speech context. In (2), the subject is understood to be the current topic of the conversation. (3), like all other meteorological sentences in the language, does not come with an expletive subject. Sentence (4) can be understood as either containing a zero-subject of generic reference (like onin French) or having sight-seeingas subject. There are also topic-comment sentences where the initial NP is not an argument of the main verb but is nevertheless related to it pragmatically or through the discourse context.

The issue then is how to identify subjects in sentences where they do not have overt expressions. In this paper, we put forward a set of criteria with which some kinds of implicit subjects could legitimately be recovered. We propose that subjects should still be represented at f-structure in consonance with LFG approaches but that instead of achieving functional specification solely at the level of morphosyntax (constituent structure), subjects in Chinese should also be identifiable at a pragmatic-discourse level. This proposal is in line with Bresnans (2001:98) characterization of the subject as having ..the unique property of being both an argument function and a (grammaticalized) discourse function.

 

References:

Alsina, A. 1996. The Role of Argument Structure in Grammar: Evidence from Romance. California: CSLI Publications.
Berman, J. 1999. Does German satisfy the subject condition? In Butt and King (1999).
Bresnan, J. 2001. Lexical-Functional Syntax. Blackwell Publishers.
Bresnan, J. and Kanerva, J. 1989. Locative Inversion in Chichewa: A Case Study of Factorization in Grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 20:1-50.
Bresnan, J. and Zaenen, A. 1990. Deep Unaccusativity in LFG. In: K. Dziwirek/P. Farell/ E. Mejias-Bikandi (eds.): Grammatical Relations: A Cross-Theoretical Perspective. Stanford: CSLI.45-57.
Chomsky, N. 1986. Barriers. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Haegeman, L. 1994. Introduction to Government-Binding Theory (2nd edition, revised). Oxford: Blackwells.
Manzini, M. R. 1983. On Control and Control Theory. Linguistic Inquiry 14:421-446.
Stowell, T. 1981. The origins of phrase structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Department of Linguistics and Philosophy Ph.D. dissertation.

 

 

 


An Optimality-Theoretic Account of Mandarin Complex Reflexive ta-ziji(s/he-self)

Haihua Pan, Jianhua Hu
City University of Hong Kong

 

As noted in Pan (1995, 1998), non-contrastive complex reflexive ta-ziji in Chinese (i) can have a long-distance (LD) bound antecedent (cf. 7); (ii) allows non-c-command/sub-command antecedents (cf. 10); and (iii) also observes some kind of blocking effect (cf. 8-9). Although Pan (1998) gives a correct description of the binding properties of ta-ziji, he does not explain why Bill in (7) does not block the binding of ta-ziji to John, though Bill does not appear lower than John in his Animacy Hierarchy. In this paper we will show that the binding properties exhibited by ta-ziji can be best explained if we adopt an Optimality-theoretic account of reflexivization. We think that the blocking effect of ta-ziji can be derived from the prominence constraint which stipulates that the most prominent NP will block the binding of reflexives. Under our analysis, the interpretation of ta-ziji is regulated by the ranking (cf. 5) of the following constraints:

 

  1. I-within-I Constraint
  2. An anaphor cannot be coindexed with an NP that dominates it.

  3. Feature Compatibility Constraint
  4. Two coindexed elements must have compatible features.

  5. Prominence Constraint
  6. An anaphor cannot be bound to a across b which is not less prominent than a .

  7. Locality Constraint
  8. Select the closest NP as the antecedent of an anaphor.

  9. Constraint Ranking
  10. I-within-I Constraint (IC) >> Feature Compatibility Constraint (FCC) >> Prominence Constraint (PC) >> Locality Constraint (LC)

    We think that the prominence of a NP is determined by two factors: [± Subject], [± Human]. The interaction of these two factors will yield the following results of which (6a) is the feature specification of the most prominent NP.

  11. a. [+ SUBJ, +HUM]
  12. b. [-SUBJ, +HUM]
    c. [+SUBJ, -HUM]
    d. [-SUBJ, -HUM]

    The constraint ranking given in (5) can correctly predict the binding possibilities of ta-ziji in the following sentences:

  13. Johni shuo [Billj de xiaocongming]k hai-le ta-ziji i/j/*k.
  14. say DE little-trick hurt-Perf he-self
    John said that Bill
    s little trick hurt him.

  15. *Johni juede woj xihuan ta-zijii/j.
  16. think I like he-self
    John think that I like him.

  17. Johni juede Billj xihuan ta-ziji*i/j.
  18. think I like he-self
    Johni think that Billj like himself *i/j.

  19. Woi wei Johnj zhaodao-le ta-ziji*i/j de zuoye.
    I for find-Perf he-self DE homework
    I found John
    s homework for him.

 

The coindexations between the reflexive and the embedded subject NP in (7) and (8) are ruled out by FCC. Although the coindexation between Bill and the reflexive in (7) violates LC, it does not violate any other higher-ranked constraints, and is thus a better candidate than the embedded subject which violates FCC. The coindexation between John and the reflexive in (9) is also ruled out because it violates LC and PC, whereas Bill violates none of the constraints. The coindexation of John with the reflexive in (10) satisfies the higher ranked constraint FCC, and hence it is better than the subject which violates FCC. Note that our Optimality-theoretic account can explain why the coindexation between John and the reflexive is blocked in (8-9) but not in (7), since the intervening NP in (8-9) is an NP which is not less prominent than John, but none of the intervening NPs in (7) is such an NP, according to (6).

 

 

 

LFG for Chinese: Issues of Representation and Computation

Sun Maosong
Tsinghua University, Beijing

LFG is quite powerful in describing linguistic phenomena of Chinese. Even a relatively sophisticated sentential construction could be successfully explained by LFG. Take sentence 1 as an example:

  1. Zhang-san fang4 gou3 yao3 si3 le Li-si.
    person1 send dog bite die AUX person2
    N1 V1 N2 V2 V3 AUX N3
    Zhang-san sent the dog to bite Li-si, and Li-si died.

The following observations hold for this quite complex sentence: (i) N1 and N2 are SUBJECT and OBJECT of V1 respectively; (ii) V2 and V3 form a verbal phrase VC in c-structure (V3 serves as the complement of V2 syntactically); (iii) From the f-structure point of view, N2 and N3 should be SUBJECT and OBJECT of V2, while N3 is the SUBJECT of V3; and (iv) “Yao3 si3 le Li-si” is XCOMP of V1. I will show that LFG is able to account for this appropriately.

On the other hand, I show that LFG, as a computational formalism, is still not strong enough for computing Chinese. The fact that Chinese is an inflection-free language (for instance, neither a change in form nor an explicit marker is used when a verb functions as the main verb, clause, infinitive, modifier of nouns, or head of noun phrases) may result in a large number of ambiguities at every linguistic level for computers. The mapping between c-structure and f-structure, as well as the mapping between f-structure and a-structure are extremely difficult to build up, if semantic information is not provided sufficiently. Consider a group of sentences:

2a. Zhang-san da3 si3 le gou3.
        person hit die AUX dog
        N1 V1 V2 AUX N2
        Zhang-San hit the dog, and the dog died.

2b. Zhang-san he1 zui4 le jiu3
       person drink drunk AUX wine
       N1 V1 V2 AUX N2
       Zhang-san drank (the wine), and (Zhang-san) got drunk.

2c. Zhang-san ku1 zhong3 le yan3jing1.
       person cry “get turgid” AUX eye
       N1 V1 V2 AUX N2
        Zhang-San cried, and (his) eyes got turgid.

The c-structures of these three sentences are patterned in the same way, but their f-structures are quite different: in (2a), N2 is both OBJECT of V1 and SUBJECT of XCOMP; in (2b), N2 is still OBJECT of V1, but SUBJECT of XCOMP becomes N1; in (2c), N2 serves only as SUBJECT of XCOMP, no longer OBJECT of V1. It is nothing but semantic constraints, among V1, V2, N1 and N2, that control the one-to-many mapping processes from c-structure to f-structure.

Similar cases are frequently encountered in Chinese. Consider another group of sentences which concerns “V1+N1+de+N2”, a popular syntactically ambiguous construction in Chinese:

3a. Yao3 lie4ren2 de gou3
       bite hunter AUX dog
       V1 N1 AUX N2
       The dog that bites the hunter (NP)
       To bite the hunter’s dog (VP)

3b. Yao3 lie4ren2 de ji1
         bite hunter AUX chicken
          V1 N1 AUX N2
          To bite the hunter’s chicken (VP)

3c. Yao3 tu4zi3 de gou3
        bite rabbit AUX dog
        V1 N1 AUX N2
        The dog that bites the rabbit (NP)

Both the c-structures and f-structures of these sentences differ this time. Again, semantic constraints among V1, N1 and N2 play a critical role in the relevant analyses.

The situation can be even complicated if word segmentation ambiguities are included. Incorrect segmentation may still lead to a syntactically well-formed but semantically ill-formed ‘sentence’.

The point addressed here is that semantic analysis is likely to be in a dominant position in computing Chinese sentences. Manipulations on a-structure, f-structure and c-structure should be carried out jointly and in parallel. To render LFG truly computable for Chinese, I believe that some augmentation is needed accordingly:

  1. In the lexicon, semantic constraints for thematic roles of verbs must be described in detail and systematically.
  2. In addition to the lexicon, a WordNet-like semantic system (semantic clusters, conceptual hierarchy and relations among concepts) is necessary for LFG-based computation.
  3. Integration and cooperation of resources in (1) and (2) will constitute a sound foundation for figuring out a-structure and f-structure.
  4. To cope with a variety of ambiguities in conducting c-structure, f-structure as well as a-structure of any Chinese sentence effectively and efficiently, certain statistical mechanisms should be incorporated into the LFG paradigm.
  5. In line with (4), the unification operation in LFG ought to be improved so as to meet the requirement of statistical calculation.

 

References

[1] Joan Bresnan. 2001. Lexical-functional syntax. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
[2] Louisa Sadler. 1996. New developments in LFG. In Keith Brown and Jim Miller, editors, Concise Encyclopedia of Syntactic Theories. Elsevier Science, Oxford.
[3] Louisa Sadler, Josef van Genabith, and Andy Way, 2000. Automatic F-structure annotation of treebank trees and CFGs extracted from treebanks. Proceedings of the LFG'00 Conference, University of California, Berkeley.
[4] Mark Johnson, 2000. Stochastic lexical-functional grammar. Proceedings of the LFG'00 Conference, University of California, Berkeley.

 

 


 

On the function COMP in Cantonese

Adams Bodomo and Sophia Lee
University of Hong Kong

The existence of COMP as a grammatical function within LFG has been the subject of much discussion. Alsina, Mohanan and Mohanan (1996a, b & c) propose that the clausal complements, which are commonly considered as bearing COMP, can be taken as bearing the OBJ function. Other works consider that there is evidence for COMP as a distinct group (L2 drup 1996; Curly 1996; Dalrymple and L2 drup 2000). In this paper we propose to contribute to this discussion with analysis of data on Cantonese COMPs. We first point out the possible problems for Alsina et al.'s proposal for eliminating COMP. These include the existence of non-configurational languages, the status of XCOMP, and the inability of COMP to passivize in Cantonese. Following Dalrymple and L2 drup (2000), we next take up the concept of a mixed language using Cantonese data. Initial results show that Cantonese is indeed a mixed language. We do however propose that the concept of mixed languages should be extended to include degrees or extents to which a language can be regarded as a mixed language. Our analysis in this paper supports a finer-grained categorization of grammatical functions in linguistic theory.

 

REFERENCES

Alsina, A., Mohanan, T., and Mohanan, K. P. 1996a. Responses to the discussion on COMP in LFG. Submission to the LFG list, 6 September 1996.

Alsina, A., Mohanan, T., and Mohanan, K. P. 1996b. Untitled submission to the LFG list. 3 September 1996.

Alsina, A., Mohanan, T., and Mohanan, K. P. 1996c. On COMP. Submission to the LFG list. 1 October 1996.

Curly, C. 1996. Even More on COMP. Submission to the LFG list. 6 September 1996.

Dalrymple, M. and Loedrup, H., 2000. The Grammatical Functions of Complement Clauses. In Butt and King (ed.), Proceedings of the LFG00 Conference, University of California, Berkeley: CSLI Publications.

http://www-csli.stanford.edu/publications/

Loedrup, H. 1996. COMP. Submission to the LFG list. 3 September 1996.

 


 

About the speakers

Adams Bodomo is Assistant Professor at the Department of Linguistics, University of Hong Kong. He specializes in theoretical linguistics, particularly syntactic theory, lexical semantics, and the syntax-semantics interface. He has done research on complex predicates, serial verb constructions, and other verbal phenomena across various languages, including Dagaare, Twi, Cantonese, French, and Norwegian.

Kang-Kwong Luke is Senior Lecturer and Head, Department of Linguistics, University of Hong Kong. His areas of research include Phonetics and Phonology, Gammar and Lexis, Sociolinguistics and Conversation Analysis. He has worked on English, Cantonese, and other Chinese dialects.

Owen Nancarrow is Lecturer in the Department of Linguistics, University of Hong Kong. His expertise is in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax. He has worked on English, German, Cantonese and Bantu.

Haihua Pan is Assistant Professor at the Department of Chinese, Translation and Linguistics, City University of Hong Kong. He specializes in theoretical linguistics, specifically syntactic theory, formal semantics, and computational linguistics. He has done research on a variety of topics including focus and negation, reflexive binding, aspect, argument structure, the passive construction, topicalization, noun phrase extraction, subject identification, etc.

Jianhua Hu is a Ph D candidate at the Department of Chinese, Translation and Linguistics, City University of Hong Kong. He specializes in theoretical linguistics. He has done research on topics such as anaphoric binding, topicalization, and pronoun resolution.

Sun Maosong is Associate Professor and Associate Head of Department of Computer Science, Tsinghua University (Beijing). His research interests include computational linguistics, statistical and corpus-based natural language processing, Chinese computing (morphology, syntax and semantics), information retrieval and machine translation.

Sophia Lee is currently an M.Phil. student in the Department of Linguistics at  the University of Hong Kong. She works on a comparative study of Cantonese and English syntax within the theoretical framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar

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